TITI LIVI AB VRBE CONDITA LIBER XXI
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[1] In parte operis mei licet mihi praefari, quod in
principio summae totius professi plerique sunt rerum scriptores, bellum maxime
omnium memorabile quae unquam gesta sint me scripturum, quod Hannibale duce
Carthaginienses cum populo Romano gessere. Nam neque ualidiores opibus ullae
inter se ciuitates gentesque contulerunt arma neque his ipsis tantum unquam
uirium aut roboris fuit; et haud ignotas belli artes inter sese sed expertas
primo Punico conferebant bello, et adeo uaria fortuna belli ancepsque Mars fuit
ut propius periculum fuerint qui uicerunt. Odiis etiam prope maioribus
certarunt quam uiribus, Romanis indignantibus quod uictoribus uicti ultro
inferrent arma, Poenis quod superbe auareque crederent imperitatum uictis esse.
Fama est etiam Hannibalem annorum ferme nouem, pueriliter blandientem patri
Hamilcari ut duceretur in Hispaniam, cum perfecto Africo bello exercitum eo
traiecturus sacrificaret, altaribus admotum tactis sacris iure iurando adactum
se cum primum posset hostem fore populo Romano. Angebant ingentis spiritus
uirum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae: nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum
concessam et Sardiniam inter motum Africae fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam
insuper imposito, interceptam.
[2] His anxius curis ita se Africo bello quod fuit sub
recentem Romanam pacem per quinque annos, ita deinde nouem annis in Hispania
augendo Punico imperio gessit ut appareret maius eum quam quod gereret agitare
in animo bellum et, si diutius uixisset, Hamilcare duce Poenos arma Italiae
inlaturos fuisse quae Hannibalis ductu intulerunt. Mors Hamilcaris peropportuna
et pueritia Hannibalis distulerunt bellum. Medius Hasdrubal inter patrem ac
filium octo ferme annos imperium obtinuit, flore aetatis, uti ferunt, primo
Hamilcari conciliatus, gener inde ob aliam indolem profecto animi adscitus et,
quia gener erat, factionis Barcinae opibus, quae apud milites plebemque plus
quam modicae erant, haud sane uoluntate principum, in imperio positus. Is plura
consilio quam ui gerens, hospitiis magis regulorum conciliandisque per
amicitiam principum nouis gentibus quam bello aut armis rem Carthaginiensem
auxit. Ceterum nihilo ei pax tutior fuit; barbarus eum quidam palam ob iram
interfecti ab eo domini obtruncauit; comprensusque ab circumstantibus haud alio
quam si euasisset uoltu, tormentis quoque cum laceraretur, eo fuit habitu oris
ut superante laetitia dolores ridentis etiam speciem praebuerit. Cum hoc
Hasdrubale, quia mirae artis in sollicitandis gentibus imperioque suo iungendis
fuerat, foedus renouauerat populus Romanus ut finis utriusque imperii esset
amnis Hiberus Saguntinisque mediis inter imperia duorum populorum libertas
seruaretur.
[3] In Hasdrubalis locum haud dubia res fuit quin[am
successurus esset;] praerogatiuam militarem qua extemplo iuuenis Hannibal in
praetorium delatus imperatorque ingenti omnium clamore atque adsensu appellatus
[erat, a senatu comprobaretur. Fauor] etiam plebis sequebatur. Hunc uixdum
puberem Hasdrubal litteris ad se accersierat, actaque res etiam in senatu
fuerat. Barcinis nitentibus ut adsuesceret militiae Hannibal atque in paternas
succederet opes Hanno, alterius factionis princeps, "et aequum postulare
uidetur" inquit, "Hasdrubal, et ego tamen non censeo quod petit
tribuendum." Cum admiratione tam ancipitis sententiae in se omnes
conuertisset, "florem aetatis" inquit, "Hasdrubal, quem ipse patri
Hannibalis fruendum praebuit, iusto iure eum a filio repeti censet; nos tamen
minime decet iuuentutem nostram pro militari rudimento adsuefacere libidini
praetorum. An hoc timemus ne Hamilcaris filius nimis sero imperia immodica et
regni paterni speciem uideat et, cuius regis genero hereditarii sint relicti
exercitus nostri, eius filio parum mature seruiamus? Ego istum iuuenem domi
tenendum sub legibus, sub magistratibus, docendum uiuere aequo iure cum ceteris
censeo, ne quandoque paruus hic ignis incendium ingens exsuscitet."
Livy's History of Rome: Book 21
From Saguntum to the Trebia
21.1
I consider myself at liberty to commence what is only a
section of my history with a prefatory remark such as most writers have placed
at the very beginning of their works, namely, that the war I am about to
describe is the most memorable of any that have ever been waged, I mean the war
which the Carthaginians, under Hannibal's leadership, waged with Rome. No
states, no nations ever met in arms greater in strength or richer in resources;
these Powers themselves had never before been in so high a state of efficiency
or better prepared to stand the strain of a long war; they were no strangers to
each other's tactics after their experience in the first Punic War; and so
variable were the fortunes and so doubtful the issue of the war that those who
were ultimately victorious were in the earlier stages brought nearest to ruin.
And yet, great as was their strength, the hatred they felt towards each other
was almost greater. The Romans were furious with indignation because the vanquished
had dared to take the offensive against their conquerors; the Carthaginians
bitterly resented what they regarded as the tyrannical and rapacious conduct of
Rome. The prime author of the war was Hamilcar. There was a story widely
current that when, after bringing the African War to a close, he was offering
sacrifices before transporting his army to Spain, the boy Hannibal, nine years
old, was coaxing his father to take him with him, and his father led him up to
the altar and made him swear with his hand laid on the victim that as soon as
he possibly could he would show himself the enemy of Rome. The loss of Sicily
and Sardinia vexed the proud spirit of the man, for he felt that the cession of
Sicily had been made hastily in a spirit of despair, and that Sardinia had been
filched by the Romans during the troubles in Africa, who, not content with
seizing it, had imposed an indemnity as well.
21.2
Smarting under these wrongs, he made it quite clear from his
conduct of the African War which followed immediately upon the conclusion of
peace with Rome, and from the way in which he strengthened and extended the
rule of Carthage during the nine years' war with Spain, that he was meditating
a far greater war than any he was actually engaged in, and that had he lived
longer it would have been under his command that the Carthaginians effected the
invasion of Italy, which they actually carried out under Hannibal. The death of
Hamilcar, occurring as it did most opportunely, and the tender years of
Hannibal delayed the war. Hasdrubal, coming between father and son, held the
supreme power for eight years. He is said to have become a favourite of
Hamilcar's owing to his personal beauty as a boy; afterwards he displayed
talents of a very different order, and became his son-in-law. Through this
connection he was placed in power by the influence of the Barcine party, which
was unduly preponderant with the soldiers and the common people, but his
elevation was utterly against the wishes of the nobles. Trusting to policy
rather than to arms, he did more to extend the empire of Carthage by forming
connections with the petty chieftains and winning over new tribes by making
friends of their leading men than by force of arms or by war. But peace brought
him no security. A barbarian whose master he had put to death murdered him in
broad daylight, and when seized by the bystanders he looked as happy as though
he had escaped. Even when put to the torture, his delight at the success of his
attempt mastered his pain and his face wore a smiling expression. Owing to the
marvellous tact he had shown in winning over the tribes and incorporating them
into his dominions, the Romans had renewed the treaty with Hasdrubal. Under its
terms, the River Ebro was to form the boundary between the two empires, and
Saguntum, occupying an intermediate position between them, was to be a free
city.
21.3
There was no hesitation shown in filling his place. The
soldiers led the way by bringing the young Hannibal forthwith to the palace and
proclaiming him their commander-in-chief amidst universal applause. Their
action was followed by the plebs. Whilst little more than a boy, Hasdrubal had
written to invite Hannibal to come to him in Spain, and the matter had actually
been discussed in the senate. The Barcines wanted Hannibal to become familiar
with military service; Hanno, the leader of the opposite party, resisted this.
"Hasdrubal's request," he said, "appears a reasonable one, and
yet I do not think we ought to grant it" This paradoxical utterance
aroused the attention of the whole senate. He continued: "The youthful
beauty which Hasdrubal surrendered to Hannibal's father he considers he has a
fair claim to ask for in return from the son. It ill becomes us, however, to
habituate our youths to the lust of our commanders, by way of military
training. Are we afraid that it will be too long before Hamilcar's son surveys
the extravagant power and the pageant of royalty which his father assumed, and
that there will be undue delay in our becoming the slaves of the despot to
whose son-in-law our armies have been bequeathed as though they were his
patrimony? I, for my part, consider that this youth ought to be kept at home
and taught to live in obedience to the laws and the magistrates on an equality
with his fellow-citizens; if not, this small fire will some day or other kindle
a vast conflagration."
TITI LIVI AB VRBE CONDITA LIBER XXXV
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[14] Sulpicius aeger Pergami substitit; Uillius cum Pisidiae bello occupatum esse regem audisset, Ephesum profectus, dum paucos ibi moratur dies, dedit operam ut cum Hannibale, qui tum ibi forte erat, saepe congrederetur, ut animum eius temptaret et, si qua posset, metum demeret periculi quicquam ei ab Romanis esse. iis conloquiis aliud quidem actum nihil est, secutum tamen sua sponte est, uelut consilio petitum esset, ut uilior ob ea regi Hannibal et suspectior ad omnia fieret.
Claudius, secutus Graecos Acilianos libros, P. Africanum in
ea fuisse legatione tradit eumque Ephesi conlocutum cum Hannibale, et sermonem
unum etiam refert: quaerenti Africano quem fuisse maximum imperatorem Hannibal
crederet, respondisse Alexandrum Macedonum regem, quod parua manu innumerabiles
exercitus fudisset quod<que> ultimas oras, quas uisere supra spem humanam
esset, peragrasset. quaerenti deinde quem secundum poneret, Pyrrhum dixisse:
castra metari primum docuisse, ad hoc neminem elegantius loca cepisse,
praesidia disposuisse; artem etiam conciliandi sibi homines eam habuisse ut
Italicae gentes regis externi quam populi Romani, tam diu principis in ea
terra, imperium esse mallent. exsequenti quem tertium duceret, haud dubie semet
ipsum dixisse. tum risum obortum Scipioni et subiecisse 'quidnam tu diceres, si
me uicisses?' 'tum uero me' inquit 'et ante Alexandrum et ante Pyrrhum et ante
alios omnes imperatores esse.' et perplexum Punico astu responsum et improuisum
adsentationis genus Scipionem mouisse, quod e grege se imperatorum uelut inaestimabilem
secreuisset.
Livy's History of Rome: Book 33
The Second Macedonian War
35.14
Owing to illness Sulpicius stopped at Pergamum, whilst
Villius went on to Ephesus, as he heard that the king had commenced hostilities
in Pisidia. He made a short stay there, and as Hannibal happened to be there at
the time he made a point of paying frequent visits to him in order to ascertain
his future plans and if possible remove any apprehension from his mind as to
danger threatening him from Rome. Nothing else was discussed in these
interviews, but they had one result, which though really undesigned might have
been deliberately aimed at, for they lowered Hannibal's authority with the king
and cast suspicion upon all that he said or did. Claudius, following Acilius
who wrote in Greek, says that Publius Scipio Africanus was one of the
commissioners, and that he had conversations with Hannibal. One of these he
reports. Africanus asked Hannibal whom he considered to be the greatest
commander, and the reply was, "Alexander of Macedon, for with a small force
he routed innumerable armies and traversed the most distant shores of the world
which no man ever hoped to visit." Africanus then asked him whom he would
put second, and Hannibal replied, "Pyrrhus; he was the first who taught
how to lay out a camp, and moreover no one ever showed more cleverness in the
choice of positions and the disposition of troops. He possessed, too, the art
of winning popularity to such an extent that the nations of Italy preferred the
rule of a foreign king to that of the Roman people who had so long held the
foremost place in that country." On Scipio's again asking him whom he
regarded as the third, Hannibal, without any hesitation, replied,
"Myself." Scipio smiled and asked, "What would you say if you
had vanquished me?" "In that case," replied Hannibal, "I
should say that I surpassed Alexander and Pyrrhus, and all other commanders in
the world." Scipio was delighted with the turn which the speaker had with
true Carthaginian adroitness given to his answer, and the unexpected flattery
it conveyed, because Hannibal had set him apart from the ordinary run of
military captains as an incomparable commander.